Burma’s democracy movement needs some serious soul-searching if it wants to secure its aims

IN this 20th year of Burma’s democracy movement it’s time to ask what it has achieved in those two decades. Is it any nearer now to its goal?

For answers, one only needs to look at the fates of five veterans of the events of August 1988. They marched together in those days of hope and bloodshed. And where are they now?

In hiding somewhere in Rangoon is Tun Myint Aung, a 20-year-old student in 1988. Since then he has been in and out of five different prisons. Now he’s on the run, a 40-year-old activist who has seen enough of prison life.

In exile in Mae Sot, Thailand—Tin Aye, who spent 16 years in jail after participating in the 1988 uprising. Exile offers him his only hope of freedom now.

In a cell in Insein Prison, Rangoon—Noble Aye, Tin Aye’s girlfriend, finds herself serving a second sentence in Burma’s most notorious jail. 

In Chiang Mai, Thailand—Aung Naing Oo and Nyo Ohn Myint, who also chose exile rather than a life on the run from a ruthless regime. Back in Rangoon, the youth wing of the National League for Democracy (NLD) that Nyo Ohn Myint helped to found still works against all odds to keep the movement alive. Aung Naing Oo used to be foreign affairs secretary of Burma’s only student army, the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front, which was founded in 1988.

These five individuals, representatives of thousands facing oppression in Burma and hardship abroad, provide a picture of Burma’s pro-democracy movement and of the political makeup of a country ruled for the past 46 years by authoritarianism and militarism. 

Although their individual lives took different routes, they share one common goal—the establishment of democracy in their tortured country.

After 20 years, that aim seems as elusive as ever. But why?

It’s no longer a question of the inability of an incapable junta to run the country or of its ruthless repression of its own people. Nor is it a question of the failure of pressure by the international community and sanctions. 

Perhaps 20 years is not long enough for fundamental change to occur in a country ruled for so long by a repressive regime, even though it seems like an eternity for dissidents who have devoted their lives to the pursuit of democracy. Many believe it’s time for serious soul searching, which could lead to a new impetus.

“I think our politicians are naïve and no more than activists,” said activist-turned-political analyst Aung Naing Oo. “They don’t know how to take power and they have no strategic policies. In the 1988 uprising, political leaders just followed the people, they didn’t lead the people.”

It wasn’t for want of trying, however. Soon after students initiated the popular uprising, influential figures and politicians joined the movement and tried to lead it—including Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of independence hero Aung San.

The country was overwhelmed by a mood of exuberance and a general hope for democratic change and the end of authoritarian rule. But it was all a mirage.

“Never in our history did we have such an excellent combination of influential political figures, such as Daw Suu, U Aung Gyi and U Nu,” said Aung Naing Oo. “But sadly, those leaders couldn’t grab that opportunity. Such a window of opportunity at the right moment could not stay open for long.  

“Unfortunately, those three influential figures followed their own path, ignoring unity. If they had been united, the story might have turned out differently.

“When the military couldn’t control the country anymore, they should have been united, forming an interim government or offering negotiations under a civilian government.”

There was a civilian government in place, led by Dr Maung Maung who was appointed president after the overthrow of Ne Win and his successor Sein Lwin, the “butcher of Rangoon.”

One of the 1988 movement’s terrible failures was indeed its lack of unity. Most activists and politicians approached on that question by The Irrawaddy admitted as much.

Unity was—and still is—the one thing that strikes fear in the heart of any authoritarian government. It was the most effective weapon Burma’s pro-democracy forces could hope to wield, yet it never came within their grasp. The lack of unity provided room for the authoritarian, military regime.

Even the main opposition party, the NLD, formed under the leadership of such influential figures as Aung San Suu Kyi, former Brig-Gen Aung Gyi and former Gen Tin Oo, was unable to achieve unity.