Who made an impact in Artist________________________________ Win Pe Myint Win Pe Myint’s talent was spotted early on by one of His words were prescient. Win Pe Myint became a name in the art circles not only of his native Win Pe Myint was born in Magwe, “He works very hard,” said one leading art critic in Recently, Win Pe Myint took to writing about art appreciation for a popular readership, following the tradition of imprisoned journalist and art critic Win Tin’s A Quest for Beauty (written under the pen name Paw Thit). Among his writings is a very well received series of illustrated articles for the magazine Idea. Win Pe Myint’s paintings have been shown at art exhibitions in Min Wae Aung Commercially, Min Wae Aung can be described as Pop Singer________________________________ Htun Eindra Bo Htun Eindra Bo manages to combine her very successful career as a movie actress and pop singer with a deep personal commitment to Buddhism—she served six times as a nun and has attended about 25 meditation retreats. Her interviews with the media are not just superficial chat but contain profound Buddhist thoughts. Her albums consistently make Musician________________________________ Maung Maung Zaw Latt/Htoo Ein Thin When Htoo Ein Thin died in August 2004 he left a gap that music-lovers said would be very difficult to fill. But many believe guitarist Maung Maung Zaw Latt could be the man to do it. Maung Maung Zaw Latt, lead guitarist of the popular group The Ants, isn’t eager to assume his mentor’s mantle. “It will be hard to find a new genius like Htoo Ein Thin,” he says. “He left a huge vacuum in the Burmese music landscape.” Htoo Ein Thin broke new ground on the Burmese music scene in the 1980s with his own compositions, arrangements and his singing. At the start, his style seemed to emulate the Bee Gees and even the Beatles, but he went on to impose a personal stamp that could stand comparison with international performers. Born in 1973, an ethnic Inn-Thar, Maung Maung Zaw Latt displayed talent early on, writing his own compositions and playing the traditional pattalar, a xylophone-like instrument, while at high school. “Though I never studied music systematically, I tried composing and even selling my songs to singers ever since I was a teenager,” he told The His academic studies didn’t suffer because of his interest in music. He studied medicine and graduated in surgery in 2000. At the same time, Maung Maung Zaw Latt and some friends founded The Ants, recorded two albums and won a big following of young fans. Their harmonies and thoughtful lyrics touched a chord. Although Maung Maung Zaw Latt is at the height of his success, he still harbors an elusive ambition—to produce religious Buddhist songs. “When Htoo Ein Thin was alive, we friends always talked about composing religious songs for Buddhism’s praises. We gave each other assignments, such as ‘you do this chapter of the Buddha’s life, you do that of the renunciation and I will do the enlightenment part’, and so on. But we couldn’t complete it because it was such an ambitious project.” Model________________________________ Thet Mon Myint Thet Mon Myint’s pretty face and trim figure adorn countless calendars and posters in today’s The 22-year-old is a shooting star in “ Born and raised in After arriving in the capital, she gave up her given Chin name, Zung Cer Mawi, to become Thet Mon Myint. “When I speak Burmese, I have a difficult time adjusting my Chin accent,” Thet Mon Myint told The Irrawaddy. But that’s no handicap—”I think many of my fans love my Chin accent.” Actor________________________________ Lu Min
Lu Min produced King Kyan Sitthar with the technical assistance of a Malaysian company, Add Audio, and the film had its overseas premiere in King Kyan Sitthar led a colorful life, once narrowly escaping death and surviving the scandal of many love affairs. Burmese history books praise his loyalty to an earlier king, Saw Lu, and laud Kyan Sitthar as an indefatigable monarch in war who did much for the development of his country. As a devoted Buddhist, he also helped spread Theravada Buddhism. Lu Min has said the film reflects “the glory of our history and religion.” Some moviegoers compare it to “Braveheart”, the romanticized film biography of the Scottish freedom fighter William Wallace. In order to attain international production standards, Lu Min’s film cost five times the budget of the average Burmese-made movie. The film in fact drew unenthusiastic reviews when premiered in “He wanted to prove not only to the regional market but also mainly to our sleepy and complacent movie industry that we can do it,” the movie director said. Lu Min, though, remains optimistic about the international prospects for his film, and he’s now involved in negotiations for distribution in the US and Australia. Writer________________________________ Kyaw Win For young Burmese eager to follow international affairs and ideas, the writings of Kyaw Win offer a clear window on the world. Kyaw Win, editor of a number of magazines and journals, seeks to introduce his readers to the ideas of such leading Western scholars and journalists as Samuel Huntington, Francis Fukuyama, Alvin Toffler, Peter Drucker, Edward De Bono, Fareed Zakaria—the list is virtually endless. His wide area of concern covers politics, international affairs, education and youth topics, management, and developments in science and technology. Writing in an atmosphere of distrust of much Western literature and scholarship, Kyaw Win appeals for a critical but open approach to controversial ideas. “First of all, we need to know what the ideas are,” he says in the preface to his book The Clash of Civilizations and The Great Disruption. “We have to make ourselves familiar with these scholarly works, then people can agree or disagree.” Critics in Until recently, left-leaning literature was popular among Burmese, particularly the works of such Chinese and Russian authors as Mao Zedong, Maxim Gorky and perhaps a few from West left-thinkers such as historian E. H. Carr. In September 2004, Kyaw Win drew world media attention when the official censorship board closed down one of his publications, the bimonthly Khit San (Renaissance), which covered international political thinking and the social sciences. No reason was given, but a few days before his magazine was closed down, Kyaw Win was summoned by the censorship board and urged not to prioritize pro-American articles too much. Under Public Figure________________________________ Dagon Taya Even at the age of 85, and despite being branded as a political rowdy by a government newspaper, the writer and peace activist Dagon Taya says he’d like to play a mediation role in efforts to achieve national reconciliation in In a rare comment on “The country now stands at the critical junction,” he has said. “We have to choose either a path of peace or a harsh road. I always call for peace.” Dagon Taya’s response to the “political rowdy” jibe was to say that the newspaper had misconstrued him. Such misunderstanding occurred in Dagon Taya also called for the participation of all public figures in the task of facilitating the national reconciliation process. A few public figures later added their names to his appeal. Although he takes a lead in calling for national reconciliation, the prospect of ending Burma’s polarized political conflict still seems dim, as his famous poem Mara (Illusory Distraction) echoes: “In search of white among the white, in search of black among the black, it is very difficult to find the real things, trying to get the truth out of the false things. Years have gone, too long to count.” Scholar________________________________ Prof Dr Myint Myint Khin Although she turned 80 in December, 2004, Myint Myint Khin is still very active in speaking on, and writing about, urgent health issues, particularly HIV/AIDS. Her book, “The Bells Tolling for Everyone”, published in the 1990s, contained a strong warning about the menace of HIV/AIDS in Burma and called for serious attention to be paid to it. Estimates put the Burmese HIV infection rate at up to four percent, but Myint Myint Khin is reluctant to comment on the figures. “Since we have difficulty in conducting a systematic survey in ethnic and border areas, where the disease is widespread, I am afraid of giving any confirmation of current statistics,” she says. She stresses the paramount importance of “general education” in the campaign to combat HIV/AIDS. Literacy among women should be particularly encouraged, she maintains. “The literacy rate among women influences a household’s health and even life style. You ought to invest in women.” In her book, Myint Myint Khin says health education requires “openness and transparency…the beginning of secrecy is the end of the truth.” And she adds: “We have to recognize first that there is a problem and then figure out how to resolve it. You can’t deny the epidemic by saying that it is no way possible in Burmese or Asian culture, and it is coming from western countries. This makes the problem worse.” Myint Myint Khin calls on the British writer George Orwell (author of “1984” and “Animal Farm” and a former colonial official in NGOs and other experts tackling the HIV/AIDS problem in Myint Myint Khin was professor at Apart from her book on HIV/AIDS, she has written works on cancer, smoking and Burmese traditional food and nutrition. She continues to write on health-related issues for several magazines and journals in Social Service________________________________ Than Myint Aung Apart from being an award-winning writer of short stories, Than Myint Aung is a tireless organizer of social programs to help “I am devoted to working for the welfare of others in the committee for helping social affairs,” she says. “My short stories are mostly based on social welfare work and real characters in human society.” A collection of these stories, translated as Mass Without Form, won the National Literary Award in 2003. She attributed much of the success of the work to her experiences in welfare work. Her writing isn’t confined to fiction—among her publications is one on the prevention of HIV/AIDS. Her social work involves the welfare of orphans, psychiatric hospital therapy research, and leprosy treatment. Than Myint Aung’s most unusual social welfare activity, however, is her work as information officer of the Free Funeral Services Society (FFSS), founded four years ago in The Society is non-profitmaking, non-governmental, and apolitical. Today the FFSS has over 80 members, and it finances 20-25 funerals daily— between 13 and 17 percent of Media Commentator________________________________ Amyotheryei Win Naing Win Naing lives in Burmese short-wave radio stations based abroad interview him whenever political stories break within the country. His commentaries are often critical of the regime, which isn’t shy to jail anyone who speaks out too loudly. Those who know Win Naing say he has the ability to deal with the media. Some accuse him of opportunism. Win Naing is also active on the political scene, and currently leads the National Politicians Group ( Win Naing worked for the banned Democracy Party in its foreign department and information department from 1988. In the early 1990s he was a political advisor to American Embassy. Ethnic Leader________________________________ Shwe Ohn Shwe Ohn, 82, is a long time Shan ethnic political leader renowned for his critical voice. Shwe Ohn’s political engagement dates back to the colonial years of the 1930s, and he knew national hero Gen Aung San personally. At the 1947 Panglong conference to form the Union of Burma, Shwe Ohn was an observer and a journalist. A strong advocate of federalism, he wasn’t happy with the 1947 constitution, which he dubbed a “unitary system constitution” unsuitable for a multi-ethnic During the reign of late dictator Ne Win’s socialist regime, Shwe Ohn found himself deprived of political room to maneuver, despite keeping in touch with the veteran political community. When the 1988 democracy uprising broke out, Shwe Ohn founded the Shan State People’s Freedom League for Democracy, or SSPFL. The SSPFL forged a political alliance with the National League for Democracy, or NLD, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, but was later de-registered by the junta. Shwe Ohn is also a leader of the banned United Nationalities League for Democracy, or UNLD, a coalition of ethnic political parties. He was jailed for one year for suggesting to the junta-organized National Convention in 1993 how it could be held in a truly democratic fashion. Shwe Ohn hasn’t spared the NLD leadership in his criticism of Burmese politics, and says Aung San Su Kyi seems to be “upset” at what he has to say. He still believes the NLD is an acceptable alternative to military rule but laments the lack of a winning political strategy. “Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is very intelligent and well-read,” he says—but then adds: “She is not capable of playing practical politics. Because she does not play as a clever politician to make a change, we all suffer.” Shwe Ohn believes Suu Kyi should concentrate on mustering domestic opposition forces rather than relying on international pressure for change. Ethnic ceasefire groups are also the target of Shwe Ohn’s criticism. He charges them with being politically incompetent and failing to act in the interests of their people and work for a democratic union of Worse still, most ethnic elites are bought by the regime, he claims. “When the military combine bribery and intimidation to [exert] pressure on the ethnic cease fire groups, they [the groups] will…yield to the military’s demand,” he says. “The best example is how the military managed to win the support of ethnic groups for a resumption of the National Convention, which lacks credentials.” Shwe Ohn’s political philosophy is set out in his book Towards The Third Union of Media________________________________ BBC Burmese Service Millions of people in Government officials and military officers are known to listen regularly to the London-based BBC, which is undoubtedly the most popular of the four foreign radio stations broadcasting short-wave programs to The BBC Burmese service broadcasts half an hour in the morning and 45 minutes in the evening. RFA, ranked second to the BBC in popularity, broadcasts for two hours daily. The BBC wins wide praise in There’s still room in the Burmese service schedule for light entertainment, which also commands a big audience. The popularity of the BBC Burmese service received a big boost when the experienced radio journalist Tin Htar Swe was hired some years ago. She now heads it. In the past, the service was plagued by internal conflicts, and there were even claims that “spies” and regime sympathisers had been planted there. Tin Htar Swe attributed the success of the service under her leadership to “team work.” Rights Group________________________________ AAPP As the influence of exiled political groups has waned, human rights groups have been capturing ever more media attention. One in particular, the support group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners ( The presence within the AAPP of former political prisoners has given the organization and its pronouncements weight and credibility. Consequently, it has racked up great success in heightening international awareness of the plight of people held in Burmese jails because of views that conflict with those of the Apart from monitoring and publicizing new arrests and the conditions of detention of political prisoners, the association, using clandestine contacts within It issues regular statements, press releases and publications, distributes documentary DVDs and holds exhibitions. Despite its professed mission, which would require the group to assume the role of a Burmese version of Amnesty International, or AI, some politically biased members are reportedly planning to drive AAPP into the embrace of exiled political organizations, says its critics. The AAPP isn’t free of internal controversy. News emerged recently suggesting the popular co-founder Bo Kyi was running the risk of being marginalized by some fellow ex-inmates within the group. But the association said there was no truth in the reports.
Gen Bo Mya (Karen rebel leader) Gen Bo Mya, 77, was given a rare red carpet reception when he visited the now-deposed prime minister and military intelligence chief, Gen Khin Nyunt in The visit by the Karen general, who had been fighting Initially, some reports indicated that the Karen leadership was divided, with many withholding support for Bo Mya’s trip. The visit resulted in the so-called “gentleman’s ceasefire.” After returning from At the recent KNU thirteenth congress in Zarni (founder of the Free
The talented and often aggressively outspoken activist maintained that he went to While overseas Burmese vented their views (sometimes harsh and irrational) in email messages, Burmese shortwave radio stations invited critics and commentators to have their say on air. In the early 1990s, he launched a successful campaign on American university campuses against Pepsi Cola, which eventually prompted the firm to pull out of In several interviews with Burmese language radio services, Zarni repeatedly claimed that the US State Department backed his mission. A State Department official denied this was so, but said Zarni had met with US officials in Though he is not a prominent name in U Lwin (secretary and spokesman of the National League for Democracy) The secretary and official spokesman of the opposition National League for Democracy, or NLD, is not the media’s most popular politician. The 80-year-old veteran’s cranky style wins few friends and has frequently landed him in trouble with a critical and much younger press corps. U Lwin’s autocratic behavior upset colleagues when he was deputy prime minister under late dictator Gen Ne Win. When the NLD was allowed to open headquarters in Many NLD members would like to see him go, particularly following the expulsion in September of three party members and the suspension of 27 others for organizing a march in There’s also pressure for rejuvenation in the party leadership, where another veteran in his 80s, Chairman Aung Shwe, is also often accused of fence-sitting and not doing enough to activate the opposition. Younger members want reforms to give the party a more effective, pro-active strategy. The appointment of more than just one party spokesman is also being demanded. Min Ko Naing (former student leader) In a surprise move in November, the junta released His unexpected release prompted the question: did the junta hope that by freeing the former student leader it could win support at home and abroad? Min Ko Naing, now 42, is still a popular and respected figure among democracy activists and his unwavering commitment to democratic principles has won him countless admirers and a string of international awards. Before his arrest at the height of the pro-democracy student demonstrations of 1988, Min Ko Naing—whose name means “Conqueror of Kings”—was chairman of the banned All Burma Federation of Students’ Unions, or ABFSU. He was among around 40 political prisoners freed in a prisoner release decree in November. The government said that they and thousands of other prisoners had been wrongly jailed by the National Intelligence Bureau, or NIB, of sacked Prime Minister Khin Nyunt. Min Ko Naing returned rapidly to prominence following his release, giving interviews to several shortwave radio stations. Listeners were moved to hear his sober voice, recounting his prison experiences and his thoughts in general on life and the future. In his political comments, however, he chose his words carefully and was cautiously optimistic. He is thought to be considering entering politics, although to be a politician in Aung San Suu Kyi (democracy leader and Nobel laureate) Burma’s best-known democracy leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate is still in detention as she approaches her 60th birthday, her chances of release in the foreseeable future dashed in November by an extension of the government order confining her to her home on the outskirts of Rangoon. Curiously, the detention extension came at an awkward time, during the summit meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or Asean, in Sr-Gen Than Shwe later told the visiting Thai prime minister that Suu Kyi could not be released because on three previous occasions when she had been freed from detention “difficulties” had arisen. Although the conditions of her house arrest place restrictions on visitors, it was rumored that senior members of her National League for Democracy, or NLD, are allowed to meet her, and that she and NLD leaders are in frequent contact by mail. Suu Kyi herself has remained silent since her detention last year, although NLD sources say she is impatient to be released and to get back to work. Her popularity remains undiminished, although there have been calls for reforms within her party. It has been suggested that if she called openly for an end to international sanctions on Although Suu Kyi is still a vocal critic of the military government, some foreign observers said she seemed to get on well with Deputy Sr-Gen Maung Aye when they met for supper a few years ago. The junta’s continuing reluctance to release Suu Kyi may be related to the planned resumption of the National Convention next February. Previously, her party boycotted the National Convention. The NLD walked out of the assembly in 1996. Observers also note that Suu Kyi and her party members are demanding an independent inquiry into the true circumstances surrounding the attack on her campaign convoy in Depayin, upper Gen Khin Nyunt (former prime minister) In October, Khin Nyunt’s wife, Dr Khin Win Shwe, and their children, were also detained, in a round-up of former leaders and Office of the Chief of Military Intelligence, or OCMI, staff. It is still not known where the disgraced former premier and his family are being held, although some news reports indicate that they are in a detention center on the outskirts of Khin Nyunt was a prot้ge of Gen Ne Win, and was regarded as a moderate and a pragmatist by some diplomats and officials of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or Asean. The National Intelligence Bureau, or NIB—the umbrella intelligence and investigative organ—was dissolved in the October purge. OCMI department heads and staff were either sacked or jailed. Maj-Gen Myint Swe, Rangoon Division commander, took over what was left of the OCMI. The intelligence apparatus now appears to take orders directly from the War Office. Maj-Gen Myint Swe’s loyalty to the Politics________________________________ Sr-Gen Than Shwe The stars have obviously been auspicious for It was clearly no easy task for 71-year-old Than Shwe to remove from power the man he had appointed to the premiership little more than one year previously, sacking several of his ministers, and at the same time dismantling the intelligence apparatus Khin Nyunt had built up. Now the task is complete. Khin Nyunt and many of his cronies are in jail, the National Intelligence Bureau is no more. Than Shwe, who has ruled The Office of the Chief of Military Intelligence, or OCMI, is firmly under his control following the appointment of Maj-Gen Myint Swe, Rangoon Division commander, to head it. Myint Swe is said to be a nephew of Than Shwe’s wife, Kyaing Kyaing. Than Shwe’s new team announced that it would continue with the seven-point “road map” that former PM Khin Nyunt proposed in 2003. In reality, it was not Khin Nyunt’s own road map, A day after Than Shwe took over as head of state on April 23, 1992, the then State Law and Order Restoration Council, or SLORC, announced that it would convene a National Convention with opposition parties. The first stage of the “road map” is the convening of the National Convention and the drafting of a new constitution. Than Shwe and his team appear determined to proceed with or without the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy, or NLD. He has anyway ruled out the early release of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, telling visiting Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra in December that his government was not prepared to free her because when she had been released from house arrest on three previous occasions “difficulties” had resulted. They say that behind every successful man stands a woman, and perhaps Than Shwe is no exception. He apparently dotes on his wife Kyaing Kyaing, an ethnic Pa-O, who is said to exercise great influence over Burmese politics. Deputy Sr-Gen Maung Aye Deputy Sr-Gen Maung Aye, army chief and vice chairman of the junta, is the man who ordered Prime Minister Khin Nyunt’s arrest and dismissal from office on October 18. Khin Nyunt was detained in Maung Aye is believed to have long been at loggerheads with Khin Nyunt. In the new regime lineup he is number two and would take over the leadership if Than Shwe left the scene. The general brings to politics a military background stretching back some 40 years. After graduating in 1959 from the He served in Infantry Battalion 68 as a lieutenant colonel, and was promoted to colonel in 1979. In 1988 he became commander of the Eastern Region with the rank of brigadier-general. Two years later he was promoted to major-general. He was then made Army Chief in 1992. A year later, he became lieutenant-general and the Deputy Commander in Chief of Defense Services. A year after that, he was appointed Deputy Chairman of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, or SLORC, a position which he retains in the State Peace and Development Council, or SPDC. Generally, Maung Aye has been hostile towards ethnic groups, particularly the Kachin and Karen. During the televised surrender ceremony of a battalion of Karen insurgents, he walked on the Karen flag, outraging many Karen. As a commander in Shan State, he forged close ties with influential businessmen such as Aung Ko Win, a.k.a. Sayar Kyaung, the chairman of Kanbawza Bank and the Myanmar Billion Group. Gen Thura Shwe Mann Gen Thura Shwe Mann played a key role in purging “In the military everybody is liable for their failure to abide by the law. Nobody is above the law,” he declared in a speech accusing Khin Nyunt and his followers of corruption and failing to obey orders. Shwe Mann became the third-ranking member of the junta following Khin Nyunt’s removal from power. He is believed to be the right-hand man of the junta leader Sr-Gen Than Shwe. At a relatively youthful 57, Shwe Mann is the youngest member of the triumvirate, and it’s expected that he will move into top place on the retirement of his two fellow leaders, 71-year-old Than Shwe and Deputy Sr-Gen Maung Aye, who is 67. Shwe Mann had an assured military career, but little is known about any business connections. One of his sons is married to the daughter of business tycoon Zaykabar Khin Shwe. Lt-Gen Soe Win (new Prime Minister) Soe Win is the junta’s new prime minister, succeeding Gen Khin Nyunt, who was sacked in October. Apart from taking over as prime minister, Soe Win also assumed responsibility for many national committees. He brings to the job a reputation no better than Khin Nyunt’s—both men were notoriously ruthless in putting down the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. Soe Win is remembered for ordering troops to fire on He is also widely believed to have organized the attack on opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s convoy as she and her supporters were traveling through Depayin, Sagaing Division (dozens, perhaps hundreds were beaten to death in the massacre), and to have been instrumental in her subsequent arrest. The US State Department has noted his role in the attack. State Department spokesman Richard Boucher told reporters after Soe Win succeeded Khin Nyunt: “We note that the new prime minister was reportedly directly involved in the decision to carry out the brutal attack on Aung San Suu Kyi and her convoy on May 30th, 2003.” On September 18, as secretary-1 of the State Peace and Development Council or SPDC, Soe Win signed the order to dismiss foreign minister Win Aung and his deputy. Soe Win was once quoted as saying at a local gathering of the Union Solidarity and Development Association, or USDA, in Prome that “the SPDC [State Peace and Development Council] not only will not talk to the NLD [National League for Democracy] but also would never hand over power to the NLD.” |
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