As Burma's political parties enter the final month of campaigning ahead of April 1 by-elections, speculation is growing among observers inside the country that National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi could be given a cabinet seat.

Although only 48 seats are up for grabs—40 in the Lower House, six in the Upper House and two in regional assemblies—out of a total of more than 1,000, Suu Kyi's immense popularity and longstanding status as the leader of the democratic opposition should, by many people's reckoning, earn her a ministerial post. 

Since officially kicking off her party's campaign about a month ago, Suu Kyi has drawn enthusiastic crowds of thousands eager to see the woman known to most Burmese simply as “the Lady”—or, even more affectionately, “Aunty Suu.”

In addition to visiting Kawhmu, the impoverished Irrawaddy Delta constituency she hopes to represent in Parliament, Suu Kyi has stumped for NLD candidates in the southern port town of Tavoy—set to be transformed into a massive industrial site by Thai investors—and Myitkyina, in the far north and close to an ongoing conflict between Burmese government forces and ethnic Kachin insurgents.

In both locations, and in others she has visited, she has made it clear that this is no ordinary election, raising themes that range from the country's economic prospects to the need for reconciliation among ethnic groups, democratic forces and the military.

Her central message on the need to restore democratic norms to a country long ruled by the military—one that she has voiced consistently since rising to prominence more than two decades ago—has been well received by the public, and so far hasn't drawn the ire of authorities.

It is widely believed that at least some in the nominally civilian government that came to power last year are in favor of co-opting Suu Kyi's domestic popularity and global name recognition, but it is far from sure that this will translate into giving her a high-profile position close to the president, retired general Thein Sein.

In journalistic circles in Rangoon, Burma's largest and most commercially important city, many are betting that Suu Kyi will be asked to head the health or education ministries. Both would be a good fit—she has often emphasized the need to dramatically increase the government's commitment to the basic needs of citizens—but neither would be particularly high-powered.

Some have even suggested that Suu Kyi could be given an official role in helping to end ethnic conflict. But this is seen as less likely, given the military's well-known distrust of any effort to bring ethnic and democratic forces closer together.
Still others say that the government could create a completely new position for Suu Kyi, such as minister in charge of coordinating international aid, to take advantage of her standing in the international community as an icon of democratic values. But this, too, is a long shot.

It is also entirely possible that the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) will do everything in its power to marginalize Suu Kyi in Parliament, if it is unable to prevent her reaching there in the first place.

The NLD and the USDP have a long and acrimonious history together. As the latest incarnation of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), created by former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe to mobilize mass support for military rule, the USDP is closely linked to a long campaign to eliminate the NLD. 

The USDA's systematic harassment of the party that won Burma's 1990 election—dealing a humiliating blow to the then ruling junta's efforts to legitimize its hold on power—culminated in its suspected involvement in the 2003 Depayin massacre, which saw many of Suu Kyi's supporters murdered by pro-regime thugs.

Even if a repeat of this infamous incident seems unlikely now, many dissidents fear that once Suu Kyi is in Naypyidaw, she will have little time or energy to act as the driving force within her party or as the leading figure of the pro-democracy movement.

Worse still, they fear that Suu Kyi will suffer the fate that ultimately befalls all politicians—failing to live up to the expectations of the electorate.

Considering that her campaign promises include doing her utmost to amend Burma's military-drafted Constitution and creating a genuine federal union in Burma with rights for all ethnic people, she will certainly have her work cut out for her, whatever job she ultimately gets when she goes to Naypyidaw.