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COMMENTARY
Pushing Onwards: The Resurgent Thai Labor Movement and May Day 2004
By William K. Roland Tuesday, August 24, 2004


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The factory workers’ concerns were also listed in the core May Day demands of the SERC, including reforming the Labor Relations Act of 1975 to genuinely protect workers’ rights to organize; raising the minimum wage; and supporting the rights of sub-contract and migrant workers.

Farmers, academics, and NGOs fill out the ranks of the marchers, and many of their demands were also included, such as opening the process of signing bilateral Free Trade Agreements to public participation and scrutiny; solving the debt problems of farmers; and opposing the war in Iraq and demanding an immediate withdrawal of Thai troops from that country.

But for the marchers in the scorching mid-day heat on Rachadamnern, what matters is the solidarity and camaraderie, and building the tumult of scathing speeches, whistles and horns, and labor songs (belted out by the labor rock band Paradorn) continued. Off to the side of the stage, the plainclothes Special Branch Police—easily identifiable in their sports caps, T-shirts and jeans, big gold chains around the neck, and expensive running shoes—filmed the proceedings and scanned the crowd. But they were in the wrong place.

Down the street, across from the Ministry of Education, the waves of red humanity had found a crack in the Government House’s security, and pushed open a gate manned by only three police, who promptly fled the scene. Waved on by their fellow workers and with nary a cop in sight, protesters poured into the Government House compound. Within six or seven minutes, well over 1,000 protesters had streamed in before police reinforcements arrived—just in time to prevent one of the protesters’ sound trucks from heading through the gates.

A tussle to shut the gates ensued, between 50 helmeted policemen and 100 or so protesters just outside the gate, as another 5,000 protesters gathered to observe and shout encouragement. Protesters clambered on to the guardhouse roof at the gate with video cameras, and a big cheer went up when a protester climbed up with a poster demanding to know the fate of missing human rights lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit.

Finally, as the police pushed the gates closed, only the continuous pleas for total non-violence by a protest leader on the sound truck kept things somewhat calm. A few projectiles from the crowd were aimed at the police, but quickly stopped. Meanwhile, protest flags, banners, water and supplies were being sent over a side-wall to the protesters, taking advantage of the alternatively stunned and lethargic response by the police. New cheers and chants went up in support of the “brave ones” inside.

Time passed, protesters congregated, and a long-term sit-in looked increasingly likely. “Government House Invasion, Protesters by the Thousands” were the headlines in my head, seemingly ready to write themselves. Yet behind the scenes, the labor leaders of the day—Pean Yongnu (from MEA), Somsak Kosaisook (SERC) and Sirichai Mai-Ngam (EGAT)—were obviously working towards a solution. Perhaps recognizing that a spontaneous occupation of Government House had the very real likelihood to give Thaksin the ammunition to discredit the whole May Day event and the state enterprise workers’ campaign, a compromise was needed.

Finally, after an hour stand-off, it was agreed to allow the protesters to file out of the Government House without any harassment by police—a classic Thai solution, best characterized as “no harm, no foul”. Pien Yongnu stepped forward to man the microphones and convince all to come out. TV Cameras from Channel 11 and Channel 7 were there, but of course no stories ran in the evening news on the incident—raising again the issue of censorship under the Thaksin government.

Thaksin and his government dodged a crisis they are ill-prepared to handle, but its open question whether the government has recognized the changed situation. There is a new dynamic order in labor—the workers of Thailand are marching with the people supporting them, they are smart and creative in tactics, and they are unified. After the day’s events, it is clear that Thaksin and his government either need to get on board, or get out of the way.

William Roland is a freelance journalist based in Bangkok who reports regularly on international development, human rights, and labor issues.



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