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COMMENTARY
The broad smile on her face translated as more than just an indication that she was pleased to be there. Moreover, the “VVIP” reception she received and the queue of powerful ministers, tycoons and economists that lined up to speak to her spoke volumes. It is clear—even to her opponents—that Aung San Suu Kyi is not an “ordinary civilian,” which was the term Burma's Vice-president Tin Aung Myint Oo had used to describe her to US Senator John McCain in June. Suu Kyi’s first face-to-face meeting with President Thein Sein at the presidential palace is welcome news. There is no doubt that her high-profile attendance at a government workshop in Naypyidaw last week is highly significant.
Burmese state broadcasts on Friday evening and state newspapers on Saturday reported Suu Kyi’s meeting with Thein Sein, and showed pictures and footage of the two sat for reporters beneath a picture of Suu Kyi’s father, Gen Aung San, Burma’s independence hero and founder of the Burmese armed forces. Was there a subliminal message here? Suu Kyi's bold and upright appearance in the photograph appeared as if she were visiting the president on behalf of her father. “What have you done to Burma?” could have been the caption. The news report did not explore further what “potential common grounds” were discussed. But whatever the rhetoric, the apparent progress is certainly heartening. We were told that Suu Kyi was pleasantly surprised when the government's liaison, Labour Minister Aung Kyi, invited her to a second round of meetings earlier this month. NLD sources immediately noted that Aung Kyi no longer played the role of messenger. He appeared to be in a position to negotiate, and had apparently softened his stance and presented the opposition leader some concessions. Sources said that these included the release of some political prisoners and the invitation to Naypyidaw to meet Thein Sein. Informed sources have suggested that at the core of Aung Kyi's brinkmanship was the fact that the government wants Suu Kyi’s endorsement when it approaches the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for assistance. Recently, it was reported that the new Burmese government was seeking IMF help to reform its complex foreign exchange system. At the same time, The Lady herself built up her political muscles after dissidents and exiled Burmese had whispered into her ear the need for her to step up and be more pragmatic at the negotiating table. Since then, both her and her NLD aides have appeared much more savvy—Suu Kyi's charisma metamorphosing into a cool gravitas—and much less likely to be bullied at recent talks. At the second meeting between Aung Kyi and Suu Kyi, they made real progress. Without it, Suu Kyi would not have gone to Naypyidaw. Win Tin, a staunch critic of the regime who spent 19 years in prison, followed in spirit by softening his tone, saying that he believes dialogue between government and the opposition party leader is a real possibility. While in Naypyidaw, Suu Kyi met several important players—though notably not Snr-Gen Than Shwe— including government cronies, influential businessmen, presidential advisers, and several powerful ministers who were reportedly pleased to meet her. Observers are naturally questioning why the government has apparently had a change of heart? Even the cynics, the doubters and the overly cautious among us see reason to feel upbeat. But this is not the first time Suu Kyi has received privileged treatment from her captors. The year before her convoys were ambushed and dozens were killed in Depayin in May 2003, she and top NLD aides were taken to rural areas on an inspection tour of the government’s “nation-building” projects. 1 | 2 COMMENTS (7)
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