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They have proclaimed that democracy and human rights are copied from Western thought and are not Burmese traditions. In 1996, some lawyer, youths and students secretly formed a human rights committee. The committee released a report on human rights abuses in Burma and the events of the student movement of October and December 1996. The authorities arrested these human rights’ activists and intimidated them into stopping this. One of the youth activists was charged with the crime of being involved in a human rights movement and was sentenced to a long-term prison stay for this activity. The military regime described the human rights activists as their enemy, as their actions are against the military’s rules. As the regime comes to realize that Burma can no longer afford to be isolated from the world, they have tried to become closer to other countries. This is a good sign for Burma. But the government’s initiatives to gain closer relations with other nations should be done with good intentions for the Burmese people, not just to enhance the military’s power. For civil society to appear in Burma, military rule and its administration must be stamped out and a civilian administration and government must be substituted. Civil society and military rule are completely incompatible, and the prevention of human rights abuses is thus inconceivable in the absence of democratic rule. To advance the human rights situation in Burma, we should learn who violates human rights and what prevents them from being exercised. We shouldn’t focus only on one tree but instead try to see the whole forest. It is impossible to stop human rights abuses without any consideration for the surrounding environment. Most human rights violations stem from political and social problems. Also they are related to the type of government administration. So we cannot shy away from criticism of particular political systems when we are discussing human rights. Two essential preconditions that should be met before the establishment of a human rights commission are freedom of speech and freedom of the press. Without these freedoms, the commission cannot hope to possess the power to enforce respect for human rights. Unless freedom of expression is guaranteed, the human rights commission will not be able to accurately assess the situation, and could even be used to cover up human rights abuses. When the regime sets up a human rights body, who will participate in and initiate it? It is unacceptable to install a human rights body managed by the junta and their cronies who are actively involved in the human rights abuses. It is like appointing a tiger to guard rabbits. Mr. Sidoti said in his press release, “Whether the (opposition) National League for Democracy likes it or not, the simple fact is that the NLD is not presently in a position to do very much at all about protecting the human rights of the people of Burma.” But Mr. Sidoti has forgotten that the NLD and other opposition groups in Burma were the ones who initiated human rights activities in Burma. So it is important to choose the right people for a human rights body in order for it to be helpful for the people. If not, the human rights body will become an oppressive mechanism that assists the rule of the military just like every other legal organization in Burma. Anyway, we welcome the attempts of the Australian government to support human rights in Burma. However, as a former political prisoner and someone who has suffered from human rights abuses, I believe that a human rights committee that exists without freedom of the press and other independent institutions is not a good prospect for Burma. We want someone we can trust to control the human rights body. I think the intention of the Australian government is right, but the right people to approach to restore the human rights in Burma aren’t the military government that has committed human rights abuses for a decade. It must be a civilian body. Thar Nyunt Oo is a former student activist now living in Thailand.