Heroes Min Ko Naing Modest conqueror By Jimmy For many people, the high-profile background of Min Ko Naing (the pseudonym for Paw Oo Tun) which translates as “The Conqueror of Kings,” puts him second only to detained Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi as one of the most respected leaders of Burma’s democracy movement. But he is uncomfortable whenever someone gives him a lot of attention and respect. The 44-year-old former student leader who led the democracy uprising in 1988 is not in good health after 15 years in prison. He was arrested again in September, along with four comrades. Despite his years in prison, he has never shown antagonism toward his captors. Instead, he has a great sense of humor. And he is not just a political animal. He loves to play the guitar and piano, he writes poetry and paints like his father, a respected artist. As a close colleague, I greatly admire him and try to help him promote people’s peaceful participation in politics and to address the problems facing Burma. Min Ko Naing says he wants to devote more of his time to writing and painting rather than political activism, but his status puts him in a special category.
Zarganar Burma’s Charlie Chaplin By Ludu Sein Win I first met Zarganar as a shy and tight-lipped young Lone Ranger. But when I met him again in the early 90s in my small school room, he was no more a shy, silent lad. He was by that time a well-known former prisoner and a very famous comedian. He came to see his old teacher just a couple of days after his release from the notorious Insein Prison. He was a chatter box now, laughing heartily and easily cracking jokes with his old classmates around him. I wondered what on earth had made that shy and silent lad into a tongue-lashing comedian and why his jokes had caused him to be imprisoned for so many years. I looked at him laughing and joking with friends. But, was he really laughing? I thought I heard another melody in his laughter. Actually, he was crying with each beat of his heart. Looking carefully, I could see tears in his laughing eyes. Yes, his eyes were crying. Crying with pain and agony. Not his own. But for his country. “Crying” made him a comedian, cracking jokes about everyone and everything under the sun. No, he is more than a comedian. He is a Charlie Chaplin for the Burmese people. He is a social critic, and he is a voice of the people. His jokes are really the unspoken words of the silent millions. He speaks aloud the words that Burmese people so badly want to hear, but dare not for fear of Big Brother. Yes, Big Brother is watching everyone from everywhere. Zarganar is laughing with tear-filled eyes on behalf of his people. His jokes are as sharp as swords, and the witty puns are as swift as arrows. But, I, his old teacher, hear a painful melody in his artificial laughing. Ludu Sein Win is a veteran Burmese journalist in Rangoon Thet Win Aung Another fallen hero By Min Zin Thet Win Aung, who died in Mandalay Prison on October 16, was a close colleague of mine. We attended the same class and spent our teenage years playing guitar and soccer together. We shared the same hideouts when we were involved in the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, or when we were on the run to avoid arrest by military intelligence. Now he has left us. The parting was untimely. Since the early days of the 1988 uprising, Thet Win Aung played an instrumental role in the founding of our national high school student union. I remember how we produced student union statements in the attic of his house by etching characters into inked wax paper and rolling fluorescent-light tubes over the impressions in a crude homemade duplicating process. Thet Win Aung’s patience and ingenuity in working out these tasks and details were remarkable. He was also known among our fellow student activists as a great organizer. In August 1997, Thet Win Aung and I, along with three other student activists, fled to Thailand. After almost a year in exile, Thet Win Aung felt a greater obligation to return to Burma to continue underground activities. He ignored pleas to stay in exile, and went back to Burma. But luck was not on his side. Military intelligence officers captured him in October 1998. Thet Win Aung was sentenced to 52 years in prison, a draconian sentence that was later extended to 59 years and then to 60 years. He was severely tortured during interrogation. Moreover, he was sent to malaria-ridden prisons in the northwestern part of Burma, far from his family. Malaria paralyzed him from the waist down, confining him to a wheelchair. One of my mutual friends, who was confined with him in Mandalay Prison until late 2005, told me that prison authorities sold for their own profit medications provided by the International Committee of the Red Cross, substituting Chinese-made knockoffs for political prisoners. When political prisoners, including Thet Win Aung, refused to take these medications, they were punished by a variety of means, including solitary confinement. I could not find any words to console Thet Win Aung’s father when I spoke to him after learning of the death of my dear friend. At the depth of his sorrow, I felt I was with him sharing what the writer Barrington Moore Jr has called “the unity of misery.” Min Zin is a Burmese broadcaster at Washington-based Radio Free Asia (Burmese Section) Leaders Three Burmese Kings And An Admiring Junta The three Burmese kings Anawrahta, Bayintnaung and Alaungpaya are not only held in high esteem by the people, they are also revered by the ruling military government. This was revealed when three large statues to them were unveiled in Naypyidaw on Armed Forces Day this year. The three kings are considered heroes of Burmese history, responsible for making the country strong. King Anawrahta was the founder of the First Burmese Empire from 1044-1077, based in Pagan in central Burma. King Bayintnaung, who reigned from 1551-1581, consolidated the second Burmese empire with his capital in Pegu. With a powerful army, he expanded his territory to Chiang Mai in northern Thailand and also occupied Ayutthaya in central Thailand and some parts of Laos and Cambodia. King Alaungpaya, 1752-1760, founded the Konbaung Dynasty and the Third Burmese Empire. Could it be that today’s military leaders want to be compared with the kings as they seek to consolidate power by trying to conquer all of Burma’s ethnic regions. —Shah Paung Gen SurayudChulanont A consumate professional By Poksak Nilubol I still have in mind the excellent impression I got of Gen Surayud when I first met him in August 2003 in the garden of the Thai ambassador’s residence in Stockholm during an official visit he made to the Swedish capital as supreme commander of the Thai armed forces. During a few hours of lively conversation, I discovered in him a certain number of inherent qualities: righteousness, integrity, honesty, modesty, moderation, a sense of compassion and a strong dose of self-discipline. I said to myself at the time that, with such a character, Surayud would never be an inactive, retired general. My prediction came true. When I met him again, in Bangkok in June this year, he had already been appointed a privy counsellor. The announcement of his nomination as prime minister did not surprise me. With conflict still present in the heart of Thai society because of the Thaksin regime, and the “undercurrents” provoked by his remnants—apart from the security problems in the three southern provinces—Thailand needed to put the right man in the right job. Surayud is certainly the man most able to cope with such issues and pave the way to national reconciliation and the emergence of the political reform Thailand so badly needs. Regarding Burma, it is our earnest hope that with Surayud, who sympathizes with the ethnic minorities from Burma and who is well aware of the political situation in that country, kindness and humanitarian assistance to the Burmese displaced persons along the border will be more focused. Poksak Nilubol is a retired Thai ambassador Bo Mya Life-long revolutionary By Ashley South Bo Mya was born in the Papun hills of Karen State in 1926. Having served with the British towards the end of World War II, he was active from the early days of the Karen insurgency. An able field commander, Bo Mya was promoted rapidly during the 1950s and 60s, as ideological differences wracked the Karen nationalist movement. In 1963, under the influence of his wife, he joined the Seventh Day Adventist church and subsequently adopted a strong anti-communist stance. As the Cold War reached its height in Southeast Asia in the 1960s and 70s, the left-leaning Karen nationalists suffered a series of defeats. Bo Mya rebuilt the Karen National Union in the eastern borderlands, with support from a series of right-wing Thai governments. With income derived from taxing the black-market trade that thrived during the late dictator Gen Ne Win’s disastrous “Burmese Way to Socialism,” the KNU became the strongest ethnic insurgency in Burma. However, critics allege that under Bo Mya, the KNU became more concerned with defending lucrative trade routes—and, later, logging concessions—than taking the fight to the enemy. Bo Mya ruled the nationalist movement with an iron fist, suppressing dissent on political matters or any criticism of his increasingly personalized rule. During the 1980s and 90s the KNU lost control of its liberated zones—precipitating a humanitarian crisis in the border area. As armed conflict continued to ravage the population, rank-and-file KNU soldiers became increasingly discontented, accusing Bo Mya and his cronies of suppressing the Karen Buddhist majority. The situation came to a head in December 1994 with the formation of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, which soon formed an alliance with the military government. The fall of Bo Mya’s old headquarters, Manerplaw, to the DKBA and Tatmadaw (Burmese armed forces) in January 1995 signalled the beginning of the end of the old warlord’s control. In 2000, he was demoted to KNU vice-chairman. Today, as his health declines, Bo Mya is largely sidelined from the leadership. However, for 40 years, Bo Mya was one of the most significant figures in Burma’s ethnic politics. From its formation in 1976, he dominated the National Democratic Front, an insurgent alliance that pioneered the struggle for a federal union. Then, following the 1988 pro-democracy uprising and 1990 election, Bo Mya and other veteran insurgents allied their struggle for ethnic self-determination with a new generation of urban-based democracy activists who fled to the border areas. In contrast, many of his former National Democratic Front allies made ceasefires with the regime. As the Karen revolution approaches its 60th anniversary in 2009, voices in the nationalist community have questioned whether the Karen political movement should continue to follow the agenda of pro-democracy groups in exile. In part as a result of such frustrations, a number of attempts have been made to broker a ceasefire between the KNU and the regime. These include Bo Mya’s last gambit—the December 2003 “Gentleman’s Agreement” with deposed Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt. Three years later, a greatly weakened KNU seems poised to resume talks with the government. For half a century, Bo Mya championed the Karen cause, winning admiration for his courage and simplicity (great Karen virtues), but also criticism for his uncompromising and often brutal rule. Without the unifying force of his personality, the KNU is in danger of losing its way and becoming marginalized within the diverse Karen community. Ashley South is a writer and consultant who specializes in political and ethnic issues Advocates Jackie Pollock Empowering opinions By Mary O’Kane Jackie Pollock has been living and working for women’s and migrants’ rights in Southeast Asia for 20 years. For half of that time, her energies have been largely channeled through the MAP (Migrant Assistance Program) Foundation, which she established with other Chiang Mai-based activists. Jackie will not feel comfortable about being singled out for her commitment to justice and the rights of migrant workers from Burma. Her way is to empower and promote the opinions and skills of each person with whom she works. She remains accountable to the communities with which she works and whose voices she carries to international and global forums. This is a reason for her effectiveness and it generates profound respect from those around her. She possesses unusual sensitivity to nuanced changes in the social and political environment and a strong ethical belief that people facing problems must play central roles in designing appropriate policy responses. It is for this reason she has chosen to work with local NGOs. Mary O’Kane is a researcher on Burma issues Bo Kyi and Tate Naing Voices for the silenced By Donna Guest Bo Kyi and Tate Naing founded the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) after serving several years in prison in Burma and later fleeing to Thailand. The AAPP, which has the support of Amnesty International, provides valuable documentation about political imprisonment in Burma, and also acts as a powerful advocacy group on behalf of those whose voices have been silenced. Because its members and founders are former political prisoners themselves, AAPP’s understanding of all aspects of political imprisonment is extensive. It includes the process of arrest, interrogation—often under torture—the trial process and conditions of imprisonment. Like all human rights defenders working inside or outside Burma, they face tremendous risks, yet they have bravely continued to do what they can to help the 1,100 political prisoners there. Donna Guest is a researcher on Burma and Thailand at London-based Amnesty International
Campaigning for peace
Zipporah Sein
Born in 1955, she describes her teacher-mother and activist-father as her heroes: “Mother inspired me. She told us we had to be responsible to the needs of our people.” Forced by Burmese soldiers from her village, Zipporah Sein has never known true peace. “I was born into the conflict. [But] I only want peace and security,” she says. “It’s my dream.” Phil Thornton is an Australian journalist based in Mae Sot Maung Maung Portrait of a ‘terrorist’ Maung Maung, according to the Burmese junta, is a terrorist. They accused him of sending trained terrorists into Burma to create anarchy and bring down the regime. They are ready to point a finger at him whenever bomb blasts occur in the country. Maung Maung, general secretary of the border-based opposition umbrella group, the National Council of the Union of Burma, denies all charges. He hopes some day to see the fall of the regime and admits that he and his team send people into Burma to gather information about workers rights. Pressure from outside and inside Burma, Maung Maung believes, could topple the regime. Labeling him as a terrorist is the regime’s attempt to discredit his work and his connection with international organizations, he says. Maung Maung established the Federation of Trade Unions of Burma in 1991, following the military-led coup. He affiliated the federation with the International Labour Organization and other labor rights groups, such as the powerful US labor federation AFL-CIO, to highlight widespread forced labor and abuse of workers rights in Burma. In 1996, Maung Maung, working with US-based lawyers and environmental NGOs, filed a lawsuit against the international oil company UNOCAL, which has invested in Burma. The case was settled out of court in Los Angeles in 2005. The settlement, which was reported in the press to be US $30 million, is still in court because of FTUB’s appeals. But allegations circulated that Maung Maung received a large sum of money from the settlement. He firmly denies the allegations. Born into a middle class family in Rangoon, Maung Maung’s father, Nyunt Wai, was a student union activist who later became a leading member of the National League for Democracy. Nyunt Wai attended Harvard University in the 1950s. Nyunt Wai’s wife, an ethic Karenni, and other members of his family, also received overseas educations. Maung Maung was in Rangoon’s elite class before he became involved in politics. As a trained geologist, he worked at Myanmar Gems Enterprise under the Ministry of Mines, which was considered to be late dictator Ne Win’s “private company.” In exiled opposition circles, Maung Maung remains a controversial figure. He is viewed as secretive, media-shy and arrogant by some observers. He is frequently accompanied by bodyguards. He claims the regime has sent assassins to kill him and other political leaders. Maung Maung has no shortage of enemies, but political and ethnic leaders acknowledge that he is a workaholic and devoted to overthrowing the regime. Maung Maung belongs to the pro-sanctions camp and calls for tougher sanctions against the regime. As the military leaders work around the clock, he warned, “We can’t just sit down. We have to keep working more to have an impact.” He was awarded the Lane Kirkland Human Rights Award by the AFL-CIO in 2001. —Aung Zaw Free Burma Rangers Aid with a Bible Founded during Burmese army offensives in 1997, which displaced more than 100,000 people, the Free Burma Rangers are a multi-ethnic, Christian-based voluntary organization providing aid and a “love-thy-neighbor” philosophy to refugees in Burma’s conflict regions. Their medical and food packages with a Bible don’t suit everyone, but most people recognize the “missions” by the FBR as both welcome and essential. FBR teams have undertaken 300 humanitarian expeditions into war zones on foot, assisting 1,000-2,000 people each time. The FBR is a shadowy group that draws in adventurers and ex-soldiers from the West, as well as locally trained medics. On its website, the group says it is “dedicated to the establishment of liberty, justice, equal rights and peace for all the people of Burma” under its motto De Oppresso Liber (Free From Oppression.) The group, which is reluctant to discuss its funding sources or its operational base, also produces situation reports on refugees based on the findings of some of its teams that penetrate deep into conflict areas. —Shah Paung Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus Regional force for reform The Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus was originally formed by lawmakers from the regional grouping in November 2004 and joined by other legislators—from both the ruling parties and the opposition—from Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, the Philippines and Cambodia. Acting as a lobby group within Asean for democratic reform in Burma, the caucus from the 10-nation bloc has kept the pressure on Burma within the region and beyond. Affiliated members and partners, in the form of national caucuses and parliamentary groups, now exist in countries such as India, Japan, South Korea, New Zealand, Australia and Europe. The caucus has been a staunch critic of Asean’s long-standing, non-interference policy, which generally views human rights issues in member countries as “domestic issues,” particularly in regard to Burma. Earlier caucus efforts to send a fact-finding mission to talk to the generals and democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi were consistently rebuffed. The initiative was followed, however, by an official Asean mission led by Malaysian Foreign Minister Syed Hamid Albar, who has acknowledged the AIPMC’s efforts as contributing to Asean’s recent policy shift toward Burma. —Aung Lwin Oo Aye Myint & Su Su Nway Standing their ground The campaigns of Su Su Nway and Aye Myint for labor rights within Burma have won both of them international recognition. Su Su Nway won the 2006 John Humphrey Freedom Award from the Canadian Rights and Democracy group for her single-handed battle for human rights and dignity in her village—a cause that landed her in Burma’s notorious Insein Prison for nine months, until international pressure won her early release. She has been recognized for not only publicly exposing the practice of forced labor in her village, Htan Manaing in Rangoon Division, but also for securing justice against two local officials after she and her neighbors were forced to work on a road without pay. She lodged a court complaint that resulted last year in a judge sentencing the village chairman and his deputy to eight months in prison—the first such verdict against the military regime’s long-standing practice of forced labor. But for her troubles, Su Su Nway, 34, who suffers from a heart ailment, was arrested and jailed for 18 months in October 2005 for “insulting and disrupting a government official on duty.” An international outcry brought her early freedom in June. The John Humphrey award is named after a Canadian law professor who prepared the first draft of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Aye Myint has been a persistent campaigner for basic labor rights in Burma and has been jailed twice for his efforts. On one occasion, he was sentenced to death on a trumped up charge of treason for communicating with the International Labour Organization—the Geneva-based UN body that secured his early release in July from a seven-year jail sentence, this time for “spreading false information” by representing farmers whose land had been confiscated. —Khun Sam White Rainbow Helping the helpless Despite official disapproval, there’s no apparent end to this rainbow. Founded only last year, White Rainbow has raised nearly US $10,000 for HIV/AIDS victims and plans to extend its fund-raising activities next year. The group was initially formed by a number of writers concerned about the plight of children whose parents had died of HIV/AIDS. Their initiative snowballed, attracting the support of others from the world of the arts and entertainment. On the eve of World Aids Orphans’ Day, they organized a fund-raising evening in Rangoon that raised more than $1,600. Encouraged by their success, they held a similar event in Mandalay. But by now the group had attracted the attention of the authorities, who stepped in and banned a poetry reading. They also briefly detained one of the organizers. Despite (or perhaps because of) the unwelcome intrusion, the event was a resounding success, raising $8,000. Now similar events are planned to raise money for disaster victims and others in need. —Yeni Friends with A Red Ribbon Solidarity in suffering It was to have been a compassionate event, involving more than 50 HIV/AIDS sufferers and volunteers in a traditional Buddhist merit-making ceremony at a Rangoon monastery in solidarity with victims of the disease. Organizers chose the red ribbon—the international symbol for HIV/AIDS awareness—as their theme and adopted the name “Friends with a Red Ribbon.” The ceremony found widespread favor and support, and it was hoped to raise money to finance medical treatment for AIDS sufferers. However, Burma’s ruling junta took a different view of the planned ceremony, possibly provoked by the presence among the organizers and volunteers of young members of the opposition National League for Democracy. Eleven of the organizers were arrested, resulting in the cancellation of the event. Than Naing, one of the organizers, said: “We are working on this program not to gain a political advantage. This is a humanitarian issue.” Several international NGOs currently have HIV/AIDS programs in Burma, and all have signed “memorandums of understanding” with the junta. While the content of these MOUs has not been made public, it is known that meeting with the NLD, or cooperating with its members, is not tolerated by the junta. There also is very little support for HIV/AIDS sufferers to organize awareness programs, and social workers are not encouraged to work independently. —Ko Thet Free Funeral Service & Byamaso Tending to the dead It’s not unusual in Burma for even apolitical associations to face pressure from the military regime. The Free Funeral Services Society, a purely social group in Rangoon, has provided about 40,000 free funeral services in the past five years to thousands of families who can’t afford funeral expenses. Many more families are in need of free services from the FFSS, which currently provides several dozen funeral services a day. In the middle of this year, FFSS authorities faced unprecedented pressure to be taken over or controlled by a military-backed civilian group, the Union Solidarity and Development Association. Fortunately, the authorities—after the initial government effort was disclosed—withdrew their takeover plans. Authorities started putting pressure on the funeral services society after its vice president and secretary-1 attended the 18th anniversary commemoration of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising in August, which was organized by former student leaders. The FFSS’s founders got their inspiration from Byamaso, a social welfare association in Mandalay that provides free funeral services. Byamaso has also experienced harassment and pressure from authorities. Previously, it had received a large donation of money from wealthy citizens to build a local hospital and buy medical supplies. But local authorities banned it from building the hospital. No reason was given. —Kyaw Zwa Moe Influentials Ibrahim Gambari Looking for results UN Under Secretary-GeneraL for Political Affairs Ibrahim Gambari was appointed to act as an envoy of the world body chief Kofi Annan following the resignation of the second special envoy to Burma, Razali Ismail. Gambari’s first visit to evaluate the situation in Burma took place in May, when he met the junta’s top leaders, including Snr-Gen Than Shwe and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The three-day visit was followed by briefings at the UN Security Council, which agreed to place the Burma issue on its formal agenda, in spite of a strong protest from China. Prior to his second visit in November, Gambari went to China in late October to meet Beijing’s senior officials and to discuss conflict prevention, peacemaking and peace-building around the world, including Burma. Gambari’s November visit focused on raising key issues, such as a more transparent and inclusive political process, the release of political prisoners, more access for humanitarian assistance and the plight of ethnic Karen who have been forced from their homes because of armed conflicts. He also observed the junta-sponsored National Convention and again met junta officials and opposition members, including Aung San Suu Kyi. —Aung Lwin Oo Wang Guangya Defending the regime By Thakin Chan Tun Western-educated Wang Guangya, 56, is one of a new generation of Chinese diplomats. He assumed his post as permanent representative to the UN three years ago. Unlike China’s old idealogues, he is considered a good communicator and friendly with the media. When it comes to issues of repressive regimes around the world, however, Wang quickly goes to ground. After persistent lobbying by the US, the UN Security Council conducted its first briefing on Burma last December. Subsequently, the council—again under pressure by the US—decided to add Burma to its formal agenda in September this year, over the strong objections and a veto by China. Wang described the move as “preposterous” and maintained: “To force the Security Council to intervene is not only inappropriate but will further complicate the situation.” China has for many years been the Burmese junta’s principal defender, and Wang’s objections were anticipated. He has stated openly that his instructions from Beijing are clear: unequivocal support of their unruly neighbor within the Security Council. China’s opposition to Washington’s moves to address Burma—including its likely veto of any resolution on Burma—has raised concerns among pro-democracy groups in Burma and abroad. John Bolton Undiplomatic diplomat Washington’s top diplomat to the UN, John Bolton, 58, faces an uphill battle to maintain his position, since US Democrats won control of Congress and want to see him go. Many pro-democracy Burmese opposition groups do not want to see his departure, however. Confronted by belligerent regimes such as Iran, North Korea and Burma, in particular, his blunt and outspoken style at the UN is viewed as positive. Unlike his predecessors, Bolton has aggressively pushed the Burma issue before the world body during his one-year tenure, and he played a key role in bringing Burma before the UN Security Council. A Yale graduate, Bolton served as under secretary of state for arms control and international security from 2001 to 2005, and he has a great deal of experience in dealing with repressive regimes and the threat they pose to global security. Friends and foes alike view him as a formidable diplomat. “Professionally he is capable—he is effective,” his Chinese counterpart, Wang Guangya, says. A staunch supporter of human rights, he may be an undiplomatic diplomat, but it is indisputable that he has contributed greatly to the Burmese democracy movement as well as to the UN. Thakin Chan Tun, a veteran politician and former Burmese ambassador to China, lives in Rangoon Robert Taylor Misguided optimist By David Scott Mathieson The legacy for Robert Taylor’s academic contribution to Burma may be the disjunction between scholarly rigor and consistently erroneous, if optimistic, insight. Derided as a “pro-engagement academic,” Taylor has carved a career as a contrarian to democratic aspirations, even at the risk of appearing too close to a succession of ruthless Burmese military figures. Chummy with one of the late dictator Ne Win’s wives, supportive of former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt’s policies from 2001 to 2004 and the regime’s “road map” to democracy, Taylor has always argued that access to military elites is more important than common grievances and human rights. He has impressive inside connections that have regularly produced curious conclusions. His notorious championing of the socialist government’s legitimacy in 1987 was dealt a blow by the student-led uprising a year later. Since then he has endorsed successive military regimes, claiming they embody authentic Burmese patterns of rule, and congratulating the State Peace and Development Council on piecemeal reforms while unconvincingly whitewashing their extensive crimes. Working as a consultant for Premier Oil, European governments and private foundations, all with commercial stakes in opening Burma, hasn’t helped his reputation in retirement. For defending a political process that only reinforces a refined system of oppression in Burma, Taylor is one scholar the SPDC likes to talk to freely. David Scott Mathieson works for Human Rights Watch in Thailand and a PhD candidate at Australian National University Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan & Burma’s Mass Media Intimate partners in political spin Burmese journalists in Rangoon struggle daily with the country’s draconian restrictions on the press, which dictate what stories can and cannot be written. Some of Burma’s ruling generals, however, have enlisted the help of the country’s beleaguered news hounds to counter criticism of Burma’s military government in the international press. Burma’s Information Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan appears to be the ringleader of these efforts, leading some critics in Rangoon to dub the cozy relationship as “Brokeback journalism”—a reference to a controversial 2006 American film about a love affair between two cowboys. According to reports, Kyaw Hsan and the Ministry of Information in early 2006 gathered together a handful of editors and publishers in Burma to counter criticism of the country’s military regime by opposition and media groups in the West and exiles operating throughout the region. This group is said to include Myat Khaing, Hein Latt, Tin Tun Oo, Ko Ko and Zan Zan. Collaborators with Kyaw Hsan include owners of Burma’s largest media organizations, such as E Empire Media and MK Media, whose editor is said to lead the group. Apart from these two groups, two more organizations have also played a key role in the country’s media: Eleven Media Group and Myanmar Partners Think Tank Group. Like E Empire Media and MK Media, both operate close to the regime’s inner circle. Eleven Media Group is said to have enlisted Maj Tint Swe, director of Burma’s official censorship body, the Press Scrutiny and Registration Board, as a consultant before launching its Weekly Eleven News Journal. It is believed that Tint Swe receives a consultant fee from the group, which currently publishes four weekly journals and is seeking permission to run a daily newspaper. Myanmar Partners Think Tank Group publishes two weekly journals, The Voice, Khit Myanmar, as well as the monthly Living Color magazine, whose former publisher was Ye Naing Win, son of deposed premier, Gen Khin Nyunt. Burma’s elite—and heavily censored—media groups are forced to follow the junta’s party line, while some seem to do so out of genuine support for Burma’s military government, but they manage to remain successful. Kyaw Hsan’s handpicked editors run some of the country’s most egregious propaganda rags, but they can occasionally produce informative pieces that may not report the truth, but provide some interesting clues about developments in Burma. —Kyaw Zwa Moe Than Shwe’s wing man There are not many people who can influence Burma’s absolute monarch, Snr-Gen Than Shwe. We can identify one of this small group—U Thaung, the science and technology and labor minister who has weekly meetings with Than Shwe and who offers “advice” to his boss. He is the person who advised Than Shwe to build a nuclear reactor. A former ambassador to the US in the early 90s, and an Intake 1 graduate of Burma’s once prestigious Defense Services Academy, U Thaung was highly influential in urging the regime to embark on the “road map” to “disciplined democracy” and for pressuring—or attempting to eliminate— international aid groups such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and the International Labour Organization. Staunchly xenophobic, U Thaung is widely disliked and disrespected by foreign NGOs and diplomats based in Burma. Thus, his nickname, “Neo-Ne Winist,” referring to Burma’s late dictator Ne Win. Critics say he retains all of Ne Win’s secretive and paranoid attitudes toward the international community. Worse, he’s in a state of denial. When he meets foreign missions, his mantra is “Burma has no forced labor,” and “Everything in the country is fine.” But U Thaung has maintained connections at the UN, and he still has friends in Washington, DC, who try to influence Burma policy, as well as good connections with PR firms in the US captial. The regime has used such spin doctors in the past to counter Burma’s vocal critics. U Thaung’s recent activities include organizing UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari’s second visit to Burma. As soon as Gambari arrived in Rangoon, U Thaung snatched him up and set the UN envoy’s entire schedule, effectively nullifying the purpose of the visit. But, having U Thaung in the regime might be good for those who want to see change in Burma. Many observers say it’s U Thaung’s advice that will lead to the collapse of the Than Shwe regime. —Aung Zaw Kavi Chongkittavorn An enemy of injustice My first impression of Kavi Chongkittavorn was that he is very critical and very un-Thai. And in a country where mentioning the name Aung San Suu Kyi, or declaring that one is Burmese, can result in a negative response, Kavi was warm, welcoming and kind. That was in 1993 after Thailand was visited by Nobel Peace Prize laureates, including the Dalai Lama and South Africa’s Desmond Tutu, to secure the release from detention of fellow Nobel Peace Prize winner Suu Kyi. Kavi, an assistant group editor at The Nation newspaper and publishing organization in Bangkok, and a vociferous political commentator for the past 20 years or so, spoke passionately and also amusingly. We became firm friends. Kavi is one of a very few Thais who care about Burma and Burmese democratic politics and has written more than 500 editorials on the subject. “In each editorial,” Kavi proudly says, “I asked for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.” For his effort he is blacklisted by the Than Shwe regime. Kavi was also passionately opposed to Thailand’s now deposed Thaksin Shinawatra government, which he believed was turning his own country into a police state version of Burma. Sometimes in our meetings before Thaksin was ousted he would suggest that democracy might arrive in Burma faster than in Thailand. But when I met him in August this year he prophesized the news one month ahead, correctly predicting the September 19 coup that removed Thaksin. Kavi has also predicted that the new Thai government will have a less cozy relationship with the Than Shwe regime across the border. I hope he is right about that too. —Aung Zaw Spiritual Leaders U Jotika Freeing the mind The 59-year-old Burmese Buddhist monk, Sayadaw U Jotika, has in recent years become one of the most popular religious leaders among young Burmese, and his books are regular bestsellers. Born into a Muslim family in Moulmein, Mon State, U Jotika studied at a Roman Catholic missionary school in Rangoon. He graduated from Rangoon Institute of Technology with a degree in electrical engineering, but his true love was philosophy. His varied cultural background and education exposed him to many different religious traditions, including Islam, Hinduism, Christianity and Judaism. U Jotika once declared that when he was young he did not believe in any “organized” religion. At the age of 26, he decided to leave his family and take up the life of a Buddhist monk. The former skeptic found that life was unsatisfactory, and that most people seemed to devote their precious time to amassing wealth, enjoying sensual pleasures or pursuing fame and positions of power. As he wrote in his most recent book, The Free Mind, “Buddhism is the religion of freedom.” U Jotika is now a household name in Burma, following the publication of his books on meditation and the art of living. He travels widely in the region and in western nations, where he lectures on Buddhism. His followers and readers say that U Jotika’s teachings have helped them to cope with depression and the stress of everyday life, while instructing them to understand the nature of the mind and the imperfection of the self. The Free Mind was published to wide acclaim among Burmese, and many critics remarked that it was about much more than religion. As the title suggests, a major theme of the book is intellectual freedom—something hard to come by in military-ruled Burma. One who believes in truth and justice, the author contends, can never hold prejudices and must always seek a balanced solution to problems through open dialogue. Such guidance can serve the Burmese people well in their desire to change the status quo in the country. “If you don’t have any opportunity to express [yourself], you lose creative thinking,” writes U Jotika. One can only hope that Burma’s ruling generals take his message to heart. —Khin Maung Soe ET Burma’s extra-special terrestrial By San Zarni Bo This well-known telepath and astrologer—her real name is E Thi—hails from the Rangoon suburb of Thingangyun, and her growing client list reads like a “Who’s Who” of Burma’s ruling elite. The country’s high-ranking military leaders, businessmen and even Thai politicians are regular customers. A meeting with Rangoon’s leading sage doesn’t come cheap and can take weeks, if not months, to book. Her regular rate is US $60 per session, and her growing popularity suggests that a wealthy future lies ahead. ET suffers from several disabilities, including a speech impediment that makes her virtually incomprehensible and in need of her sister to translate the profound prognostications that have gained greater currency in recent months outside Burma. ET’s predictions about short-term events—occurring within a year or less from the consultation—and her reading of banknotes in her client’s wallets are said to be very accurate. What also seems certain is that ET will have no lack of clients—and no shortage of banknotes—in the coming years. San Zarni Bo is a well-known Rangoon-based astrologer who received the 20th Century Achievement Award from the International Biographical Center and the 1997 Man of the Year award from Cambridge University Artists and Entertainers Win Win Latt (1951-2006) Compassionate storyteller Win Win Latt (Dr Win Win Shein) was one of many well-known medical doctors-turned-writers in Burma. She began her literary career as a short story writer in the early 1970s and published hundreds of stories in Burmese magazines. But what readers loved most were her novels. Reviewers praised her simple narrative style and the lack of “isms” in her work. She filled an important space during a period when the country lacked fine novelists. In 1997, her novel The Subsequent Pages of Love, which portrayed the life of a divorced doctor, won Burma’s National Literary Prize. In addition to writing, Win Win Latt was committed to humanitarian issues, particularly HIV/AIDS, and lectured inside prisons. She died in a car accident in May shortly after giving a talk on HIV/AIDS to inmates of Insein Prison. —Khin Maung Soe Htein Lin Building bridges between art and life By Chaw Ei Thein Htein Lin is a pioneer of performance art in Burma, one of the vanguards of young artists who project themselves into their work and try to bridge the divide between art and life. “I am not a painter,” he says. “I am a painting.” Htein Lin became interested in art as a student at Rangoon University in the mid-1980s, but his devotion to the subject grew out of a meeting with exiled Burmese artist Sit Nyein Aye in New Delhi, and his experiences in the mountains of India’s Manipur State with the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front. He later moved to Burma’s northern Kachin State where he witnessed the notorious massacre of February 12, 1992, when 15 ABSDF soldiers were killed by comrades who suspected them of spying for the regime. The bloodshed and torture drove him to seek a means of expressing his thoughts about what he called “this horrific world.” He found it in what he calls “abstract expressionism.” In Rangoon, Htein Lin began performing his art on street corners and in group exhibitions. He fell foul of the authorities, however, and in 1998, he was arrested on a charge of planning anti-government activities and served nearly seven years in prison. Prison life only stimulated his creativity, and he organized clandestine performance art shows in prison. He also painted on the white cotton prison uniforms, using his fingers, cigarette lighters, syringes and whatever other materials were at hand. After his release in 2004, he exhibited examples of his prison art. Htein Lin’s life proves that political events can inspire art and can even totally absorb the artist. “An artist will be changed by his own experiences,” Htein Lin says. “So he becomes the painting, and no longer the painter.” Chaw Ei Thein, a surrealist and performance artist, lives in Rangoon Sone Thin Par Burma’s ‘musical treasure’ This talented young ethnic Chin singer earned wide acceptance from Burmese audiences in 2006. Her name—given to her by her grandmother—translates as “treasured flower,” and that’s how many in her growing fan base see this rising star. A devout Christian, Sone Thin Par honed her skills singing hymns in church. She first attracted attention in 1998 and has since released three solo albums and appeared on numerous compilations. The 25-year-old singer has also performed for Burmese communities in Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia and several Western countries. Not all of Sone Thin Par’s publicity at home has been good. A pornographic VCD featuring a woman who bears an uncanny resemblance to the singer has been making the rounds in Rangoon since late 2005. The disc—its origin is unknown—features a woman engaged in explicit sexual acts. The scenes have been spliced together with official photos of the singer and selections from her hit songs. Sone Thin Par has reportedly appealed to the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Myanmar Women’s Affairs Federation to take action, though authorities have so far done nothing. Even the Myanmar Musicians’ Association, of which Sone Thin Par is a member, has shied away from the controversy. The only action Burmese authorities have taken is to compel the distraught young singer to perform a song in support of the military-led National Convention. Wearing ethnic Chin traditional dress—and a noticeably long face—Sone Thin Par performed her song on state-run MRTV channels for broadcast across Burma. —Ko Thet Thxa Soe Hip hop Burmese-style Fed up with the mimicry of Western pop sounds in the discos of Rangoon, Thxa Soe has won acclaim at home for creating Yaw-tha-ma-mhwe, or mix. Thxa Soe, who studied sound engineering and electronic music in Britain, teamed up with friend DJ Jay in a bid to woo young Burmese ravers with their experiment. They successfully mix Western electro-dance rhythms with Burmese traditional music, using ancient rhythms and instruments, particularly from the supernatural ritual, Nat Pwe. Now Thxa Soe is working to complete an album for release before the water festival in April, 2007, and to launch the websites of the Myanmar DJ Association and Myanmar Hip-hop Association, in which he is actively involved. He also plans to publish a book on Burmese hip hop music. —Yeni Athletes Mya Thaung Wai Road warrior Mya Thaung Wai is Burma’s first prize-winning woman rally driver. The 34-year-old business executive took two prizes in the Asia Cross Country Rally 2006, covering a distance of about 3,000 kilometers (1,800 miles) across Thailand and Laos last August. Mya Thaung Wai, the daughter of a military officer, won the First Ladies Award and a second prize for completing the course, which not all competitors managed to do. She first took up off-road driving as a teenager and says she spends a lot of time behind the wheel on the road in her job as managing director of an export-import company and employment agency, PM Company. —Yeni Event of the Year Maj Zaw Phyo Win & Thandar Shwe ‘Royal wedding’ “The Wedding of the Year” took place in July, but it became the talk of the country in early November—following the clandestine release of video footage of the lavish ceremony. The wedding of Thandar Shwe, daughter of Snr-Gen Than Shwe, to Maj Zaw Phyo Win was not a modest ceremony in Burma, which is ranked as one of the poorest countries in the world. Rangoon sources said the wedding cost an estimated US $300,000. Estimates of the cost of wedding gifts—including luxury cars, houses and land— ranged as high as US $50 million. Images of the wedding shocked people in Burma and abroad. The video footage drew worldwide headlines and was shown on CNN and other international news channels. Pictures and video images of the ceremony held at the Zeyathiri government guesthouse in Rangoon showed Thandar Shwe wearing a variety of jewelry—mostly diamonds—and her groom, more casually dressed. The video clearly demonstrated the ruling junta is out of touch with Burmese reality, political analysts said. But weddings have political implications, too. In 1983, Burma’s feared spy master Brig Gen Tin Oo was sacked for “misuse of funds and state property.” one charge against him was his son’s lavish wedding, which was held in Bangkok. Army leaders who were threatened by Tin Oo’s rising power and his closeness to the late dictator Gen Ne Win were finally able to bring him down through corruption charges. After seeing the wedding video of Thandar Shwe and Zaw Phyo Win, many Burmese wonder if the video’s release was the work of “internal destructive elements,” who may have had the intention of damaging Burma’s untouchable absolute leader and his family. —Yeni |
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