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CONTRIBUTOR
Burma at a Crossroads: An Analysis of State Structures
By MIN ZIN Monday, July 25, 2011


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So long as the struggle over the location of power is unresolved, the policy outcomes remain unstable and reversible (such as the recent decentralization experiment being revoked). Enthusiastic observers should step back and check the facts, instead of taking speeches at face value.

If the new regime’s institutional rivalry and power struggles turn out to be prolonged and result in inefficient governance or a split, the military’s renewed intervention or even a popular revolt should not be ruled out.

However, if the regime manages to entrust an institution (such as the technocrats or parliament or the USDP) to run the show, we will see a consolidation of power. It means that the regime will be able start the real process of much-needed institution-building in Burma.

This institution-building, however, must be understood in the context of state-building rather than democratization. As a result, one visible progress may be seen in more dynamic economic rationality because the rule of law—at least as far as business transactions are concerned—will be introduced.

It may help diversify the sources of the country’s revenue by promoting manufacturing industries, instead of almost total concentration on the natural resource extraction sector.

If stability and confidence in governance grow, an incremental progress in the direction of media and political liberalization may ensue, but the resolution of several critical issues, including the release of leading political prisoners (such as Khun Htun Oo, Min Ko Naing, Zarganar and U Gambira), and the peaceful settlement of ceasefire challenges, will not necessarily be guaranteed.

In summary, the recent changes in Burma do not support the argument that there is “no change at all” nor the optimism that “the beginning of a process of democratization” is dawning.

Recent events demonstrate that the structure of state has changed, and serious institutional rivalry is taking place within the new regime to compete for and seize the locus of power.

If this power struggle is settled successfully, an institution-building process will begin in Burma, and economic rationality will likely reign. If not, we will see one of the following: splits or purges, inefficient government, the emergence of another autocrat, military intervention or a popular uprising. Worse still, these scenarios are not mutually exclusive to one another.

Min Zin is a Burmese journalist living in exile.



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COMMENTS (5)
 
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Fred Wrote:
29/07/2011
The “retired” general scooped droppings off the ground, threw them in a pan, added water, cooked it five minutes, and served it as instant government. Now he’s laughing himself sick watching everyone trying to eat it. The essayist is trying to determine its nutritional value. But most of the nutrients were extracted by the first set of intestines this went through.

Shwe just wants an easy retirement. If Thein Sein can make something of this government, Shwe will get the credit. If not, so what? The government will probably take such a long time to disintegrate that it won’t affect him.

No offense intended. There’s more thought in the analysis than with the creation of the new governmental institutions.

Peter Ole Kvint Wrote:
29/07/2011
Burma is ruled by one man and his control of the army. The army is controlled by several independent intelligence services. This system is not changed, so nothing has changed.

The 2010 elections was in a parallel reality by MIN ZIN.

myint lay Wrote:
28/07/2011
An arm chair analyst who doesn't really know what he is talking about when it comes to the very institution that matters most in Burma's politics; and yet he wants to show off his half-baked "expertise." Isn't he the expert who was lecturing the NLD leadership that includes the likes of former defense minister Tin Oo and Win Htein, DSA-5 best cadet, best academic, and best military training how to deal with the military. Wasn't he advocating that the NLD, in effect, embrace the Nargis Constitution and run in the sham election by setting up a proxy party?

Anyone who thinks the military is in a state of flux or newly created arrangements are going to create consequential in-fights, doesn't really know how solid the military's organizational structures are. As in any classic military dictatorship, the men who control the most strategic, gun-wielding units in the final analysis controls power and politics. Try another Burmese Spring - and see who is making decisions.

Thin Thin Wrote:
26/07/2011
At a first glance, this article seems to contain a big chunk of analysis but in actual fact, it fails to lift up to its big title "Analysis of state structures".

Dissecting the backgrounds of Thein Sein, Tin Aung Myint Oo and Than Shwe's arrangement of his government are hardly new points.

And yes, I did not feel like I was reading an editorial but rather an academic essay. I hope the author can take into consideration of the laymen who read Irrawaddy's editorial when he happens to write his next piece.

tocharian Wrote:
26/07/2011
What's the purpose of this editorial? It reads like a report by a poli-sci student in a grad course. The author seems to be good at packing a maximum of words (3 pages full!) into a minimum of content.

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