Pointing the Finger at Than Shwe
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Burma

Pointing the Finger at Than Shwe


By Min Zin Friday, December 28, 2007


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Ultimately it will only impact his behavior if he believes there is a risk of being investigated, prosecuted and convicted. Unless that risk is real, we would be issuing an idle threat."

The effectiveness of the threat must be weighed not only in terms of the message, but also in terms of the agent who attempts to speak the language of justice to Than Shwe.

"Right now, Ibrahim Gambari, the UN's special envoy to Burma, is the only UN representative getting an ear—if that—and he is a political broker," said Pierce. "We need multivocality in the UN and in the international community. Others can and should play an effective role in raising the issues of justice and accountability if Mr Gambari deems it inappropriate for his role as a negotiator."

Some advocates suggest that UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour could bring such messages of justice to the regime. In her recent statements on Burma, the UN human rights chief frequently cited international law and urged the military junta to abide by it. In her statement on Burma dated October 2, 2007, Arbour recalled the international community's "responsibility to protect civilians against serious international crimes," according to the agreement of world leaders at their 2005 summit. She also pressurized the Burmese government "to account publicly for past and on-going violations."

Of course, if a person of high stature such as Louise Arbour was able to engage in justice and accountability dialogue, it would give more weight and leverage to other UN organs, including Gambari, in dealing with the junta. However, it would still be an uphill struggle in transforming these aspirations of justice into practice within the UN mechanism.

"Unfortunately, in the short to medium term, without any rapid deterioration of the situation in Burma, it is highly unlikely we will see the UN Security Council willing to refer the situation to the International Criminal Court," said Genser. "Beyond China and Russia's opposition, even the US does not currently support the ICC. I do not see any government on the Security Council with the political will and persuasive ability capable of making this happen any time soon."

Some observers are concerned that pressure will offer the Burmese regime an excuse to disengage from the UN. "Than Shwe would even be thinking about stopping all political cooperation with the UN, if he felt like he was under siege," said a military source inside Burma.

However, the Burma Lawyers' Council, an exiled group, which has persistently called on the international community to hold the military regime's leaders criminally accountable before the ICC for their past atrocities and recent crackdowns, refutes the false notion that one may not have both criminal accountability and active engagement with the regime.

In their statement released on October 10, BLC cited the case of Sudan as an example and said "there is no dichotomy between active engagement with the principal parties and seeking accountability for the crimes committed by one or more of those principals."

Of course, any strategy needs to be carefully balanced with the domestic realities of Burma so that it will not become counterproductive. However, as all victims of oppression demand, truth must be sought and justice must be done. "If justice could be achieved through a strategic ploy to facilitate transition, it would be better," said Bo Kyi.

At a minimum, the international community must make sure that nothing should foreclose the efforts to ensure accountability for gross violations of human rights.



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